The government does not exist outside of class society, but within it. The classes in power in the DPRK are the working classes, there is extremely minimal private property and that private property is largely foreign owned. The structures in place were put there by the organized working classes. When you erase class analysis, or diverge from it by inventing new classes that don’t actually fit how we understand class, you run into problems.
As for actions you’ve taken that are upsetting, I already explained in earlier comments the regular strawmanning and misframing you’ve done of my position, and the positions of others.
The classes in power in the DPRK are the working classes
Whether this is true is really what I’m trying to determine, and currently skeptical of. I guess it may be difficult to prove or disprove. It sounds like you think the class identity of the administration is enough to say so, but I could be wrong. I don’t see that as sufficient.
regular strawmanning and misframing
I may have misrepresented your or others’ perspectives, but if so it was not intentional.
I’ve explained class and how there isn’t some separate class in the DPRK. The landlords were appropriated from, same as the bourgeoisie. The working classes control the state, and have the same class interests as the people outside of the state apparatus. So far your only point against it is an unsupported “potential,” which is the same metaphysical error made by Bordiga and the “Left” communists.
Do you mean (1) that the collective will of the working class directs the behavior of the state, or (2) that managers of the state are members of the working class?
Both. The state is controlled by the working classes, and the administrators themselves are the same class. The DPRK has a form of consultative democracy outlined in the book I showed you.
The government does not exist outside of class society, but within it. The classes in power in the DPRK are the working classes, there is extremely minimal private property and that private property is largely foreign owned. The structures in place were put there by the organized working classes. When you erase class analysis, or diverge from it by inventing new classes that don’t actually fit how we understand class, you run into problems.
As for actions you’ve taken that are upsetting, I already explained in earlier comments the regular strawmanning and misframing you’ve done of my position, and the positions of others.
Whether this is true is really what I’m trying to determine, and currently skeptical of. I guess it may be difficult to prove or disprove. It sounds like you think the class identity of the administration is enough to say so, but I could be wrong. I don’t see that as sufficient.
I may have misrepresented your or others’ perspectives, but if so it was not intentional.
I’ve explained class and how there isn’t some separate class in the DPRK. The landlords were appropriated from, same as the bourgeoisie. The working classes control the state, and have the same class interests as the people outside of the state apparatus. So far your only point against it is an unsupported “potential,” which is the same metaphysical error made by Bordiga and the “Left” communists.
Do you mean (1) that the collective will of the working class directs the behavior of the state, or (2) that managers of the state are members of the working class?
Both. The state is controlled by the working classes, and the administrators themselves are the same class. The DPRK has a form of consultative democracy outlined in the book I showed you.
I will postpone further judgement until having read it